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When four months remain until the end of August PASO's candidatures, Cambiemos is trying to exploit the fact that it has controlled the three pillars of its political establishment: management, programs and territories. No one disputes Mauricio Macri's leadership and will seek re-election. It also has no difficulty maintaining a program whose allies argue and accept every day, so as not to oppose the integrity of the ballot party, which is the tool that allowed him to win in 2015 and 2017. And he fights the conditions which reasonably promotes forecasts in six of the seven districts that accumulate most votes in the country. Peronism is counter-clockwise trying to close any strategic format that unites the strains that conflict with the management, the conditions of a diagnosis that makes compatible extremes, meaning, say, Miguel Pichetto with Cristina de Kirchner (past Roberto Lavagna) and the pacification of the territories, so their caciques stop disgrace between each other. To strengthen the assets they have for the battle, the Allies are given Cambiemos this week for disciplinary maneuvers that can make them lose positions threatened by management's misadventures, which also weigh. And not always in favor. In this connection, the alliance promotes this week's agenda the return of Marcos Peña After 15 days out of the game, the meeting of UCR's national committee and a series of meetings between government leaders and the opposition.
CHOICES ARE BEING STRATEGY
The tactical and campaign movements often hide strategic decisions. Even worse, in some cases, they try to replace them as if the poll was achieved with advertisements seeking to change their grounds, which tend to be deep and difficult to move from one place to another. Marketing managers propose movements whose effectiveness is known after completion when they have raised their bill and in many cases already fled. It happens when a formation lacks an armed in the three pillars of political action: management, program, and territorial domain. To understand the malambos with the bola, the candidates are, honestly, public, it is enough to look at the basics of a standard campaign all over the world these days. This image always shows a polarization between two-thirds of the voters who are generally identified with officialism and opposition. The strategic task is to discover who constitutes the remaining third, who can change the vote and work on the messages they want to hear. Today, technology is unnecessary to know as the experiments are based on the social networks used for the selection of Brexit, Donald Trump and in an underhanded way in Argentina in the 2017 elections. offered by the Cambridge Analytics company, which has the British film of grace and entertainment "Brexit: The Uncivil War" (2019) who presented the HBO cable this week. The film provides another ingredient that often neglects strategists and analysts: Don't talk about economics, people are voting for politics. With that, yes won the end of Britain from the EU. The film is educational and replaces many inactive and distracting readings.
Mayor Vicente López, Jorge Macri, in the 2017 campaign.
PEÑA RETURNS AFTER THE FIRST JORGE ALBOROTO
If it is about discipline and authority, Marcos Peñas' resurrection on Tuesday will serve to contain less bleeding and they will not find a diagnosis. For example, the passion that cousin Jorge (Macri) made a chimeric project to suspend PASO in Buenos Aires. Technically and politically, it is impossible, but it justified a meeting with supporters, one of whom left off Jorge would do a good vice of Vidal in the second term. Macristas knows that a cousin of the presidential family is no cousin, because the ethnic group has a calabrian density that other families do not register. Why does Jorge do that? Do you have a sign from Mauritius? In fact, Jorge takes seriously, albeit early, the statement his PRO co-religionists made on PASO as a method. This column talked about Purmamarca's conversation last August, where Macri endorsed the idea of the suspension because it was an expensive and inefficient system ("electoral package: minimum expenses, common dates and voluntary primary elections"), Entretelas 28 August 2018 ). It didn't go beyond an idea that is impossible today because it would require a reform more difficult to achieve than a constitutional change that no one ever knows about Macri's awareness of these cousin movements (who did feat turning the system off it) "Japanese" Enrique García in Vicente López), in the small table Vidal They deny that La Plata is playing this game. They change the subject and remember that PASO earned the party in 2015 and in 2017 having a card where one could vote on the voters' segments, which became orphaned in the first round. "It promised in 2015 – the haunted men on the table wonder – that the mood of Felipe Solá would come to María Eugenia, or that in 2017 we caught Esteban Bullrich's vote for Sergio Massa PASS.
UCR & # 39; an intervention point for the poems of SANTA FE
The rest also radicalism, to order their room. This Wednesday, the National Committee of the Party meets after a brief trip by its President Alfredo Cornejo to the United States and will exercise power to discipline districts where the local caciques want to play outside Cambiemos. One is Santa Fe, where the local UCR convention will hold a meeting Monday to start signs of rebellion against change, in honor of the relationship between part of the party and the alliance, which allows them to cooperate with socialism. The national table is ready to intervene in the Santa Fe Convention if it speaks against the alliance with Pro. Socialism, which the province is flirting today with Roberto Lavagna's federal peronism and with the dissidents of radicalism, as Margarita Stolbizer. If they want to save the local convention, they will give shareholders freedom of action in the provincial order, to support candidacy for governor of José Corral or the socialist entente. This mayor was on Thursday at the party's "principals" summit at the CABA NH hotel and took the peace that the National Change Table will support him in his nomination by the week. Mario Barletta has already gone down, who played with him and fought for the post and will go to a new mandate as national substitute. To Cambiemos, he is disturbed by the inhibition of some disagreement, and he fears that they will find a platform at the expected meeting of the National Convention. At the meeting in NH it was decided that it should be carried out in the province of Jujuy, where Gerardo Morales has elections ahead of the national ones agreed with Macri. He explained to his comrades that the Jujuy voters do not contribute much to a national result, less than 1%, but it can contribute to official prosecution of the news of a victory of Cambiemos in this district. Morales thinks he can win with a big difference.
Gerardo Morales has already defined Jujuy's presidential election as well.
THE MAGISTRATION'S STRONG PEOPLE, THE PARLIAMENT OF THE COURT'S DESTINATION
Outside, the government did not have the courage to call extraordinary. It would have been an opportunity for the opposition defense. He preferred to rely on the effects on the peronism of the legal agenda, for example: a prosecutor against Judge Luis Rodríguez and his alleged lack of action in the investigation of the former government's corrupt plot. This controversial magistrate has two files opened in the Magistrates Council since November of November for the cause of Muñoz (Kirchner's Secretary), and the conversion of the reverse will move them in the middle of the campaign. Monday there will be a council between the two strong men of the ruling party and the opposition in Magistrature, Pablo Tonelli and Miguel Pichetto. These two advisors will mark the road map for these files because the peronism vote is crucial to its progress. The Senator from Rio Negro is in the campaign and what he says about this case will affect the task. It comes from a visit to the oil senator and syndicalist Guillermo Pereyra for Vaca Muerta, where the government has a dispute with Techint over a subsidy issue. He also went to support a candidate for governor of non-Christian peronism, Sergio Rodríguez, who is against the candidate of the Patria Institute, the strong man of Cutral Co., Ramón Rioseco. The government is afraid he can come to the government and remove the charm that Vaca Muerta has left as an investment goal. A drama this game of pincers on the star's site in Argentina: on the one hand, the company that wants to adhere to a grant that the government says it has left, and on the other hand extreme Christianism. This region should be pampered by everyone for what it means for the future, but it ends up being hostile to a situation that reveals that Argentina often has problems with being rich and not being poor. With Techint, the fight is because it extracted more hydrocarbons than those provided by the grant agreement. Not because he failed the project. It looks like the battle of 125 in 2008. Cristina de Kirchner dynamized the political construction that had made her president, not knowing how to solve another problem of abundance, which was that soy had a record price and they wanted to put an extra tax on it. The problem in Argentina is abundance, excess gas or very expensive soybeans as in 2008. The governments of the abundant resource do not know where to park Porsche, and on top of that they collide.
Ramón Rioseco in a visit to Evo Morales. Now he drives to Kirchner PJ's governor in Neuquén and Cambio's fear of his possible triumph.
VATICAN BUDGET: FRANCISCO CALLA, HEAR THE BISON OF VENEZUELA
It also serves the government to influence the crisis in Venezuela to the local public. Consolidate with Maduro's own voice, and corincana to cristinismo that the Bolivarian cuisine or sticks are not removed. In the last few hours, the government had a guarantee for the opposition in Venezuela of the least anticipated place, the Vatican. Pope Francis' congress made it known to interlocutors of the ruling party that the position of the state is expressed by the bishop of that country, critical of the Nicolás Maduro regime. "Maduro is looking to buy time, has done the same before, and has no willingness to call elections," he said – words more, words less – Paul Richard Gallagher, Foreign Minister of Pope Francis, travelers passing through Rome. Almost with the same arguments, the government refused to attend the meeting in Montevideo, which was quoted by the governments of Uruguay and Mexico. The unpleasant style of the Church made this message run through the informal channel and to awaken Argentina's replica. Why doesn't the Pope say to himself who he ends up exhibiting as Maduro's defense? Silence. It is difficult to record the channels through which this message was circulated. In recent days, the two strong men of the Senate, Federico Pinedo and Miguel Pichetto, went through Rome. He went through the city on a stopover to Sicily for a mini-vacation. Pinedo returned from an interparliamentary meeting in Geneva. Pinedo is a liberal of the broad spectrum and has the best relations with the Church, unlike Pichetto, who before the institution has the position that would have a nineteenth century Mason.
Agustín Zbar, AMIA's president, had to step aside after the failed letter to DAIA to benefit Cristina legally.
CARRIÓ wants to investigate strange habits of AMIA-DAIA
As we are in the global, final with excitement: Elisa Carrió continues her broad side in fighting within his government. The last in favor of the UIF in its claim for the ordinary inspection of justice by a decision that understands, softens control on offshore companies. It is aimed at Garavano, who signed this decision with an open end. But now he added another plot: to investigate which interests, cash or otherwise have run at the request of the AMIA president Agustín Zbar, for DAIA to cease to be the plaintiff in the case because of the agreement with Iran. The reasons for this request are so mysterious that they deserve a battle from Carrio.