Volatile offerings for a demand that has already decided
The volatility of the election offer still does not correspond to the public demand being fixed. This tip on the political market is stable and points to the same needs as always and seems to respond in 2019 with the same preferences in 2015, when the difference between Cambiemos and Peronism did not reach 3 points by vote. This volatility is a consequence of two factors: 1) Government's tumultuous management, It was tied to the IMF mast like Ulysses when he sailed with his people on the islands of Sicily to resist siren songs. He believes that he will achieve people's love if he continues in the epic with zero deficits. It has logic because they will qualify you for the outcome of this effort. But it has more of a riddle: will the prize come in time to save the government in the polls? As in the Odyssey, Ulysses himself had tied himself to the ship's mast without covering his ears as his sailors to protect himself from the lethal song of the sirens. For something it was the driver.
2) The parties' formidable crisis, leaving everything in the hands of caciques. Let's change resist the volatility with the armed giving the government. This made it possible for him to launch his graduate, Macri, in December last year and has conducted precompetitive exercises in the field since the budget approval for 2019. This law is a political agreement with governors with mutual benefits for the opposition and also for nation . With the agreed history, Macri spent the summer and closed processes like Neuquén, where he played the winning chip and It detracted from the legend that Christianism was unstoppable in the Vaca Muerta emirate. 1 to 0
Peronists with more power
Peronism does not come from the breakdown of not having a manager or a program and with Territorial deployment is damaged in at least six of the seven largest districts in number of votes. He celebrates the government's economic malandanza every day, but he must explain the crisis in the main figures. Cristina, la-que-mide-más, took a personal emergency in a surprising way and traveled to Cuba to attend a family crisis that moves everyone. His departure clung to the armed insecurity.
In the father's institute There is a witch hunt to know who composed the video that was transferred with music, pictures and texts from the former president, in which she explains her situation. The proselytizing piece begins with the sentence "You listen to this because …", showing that these words had no video destinationand that someone made the mixture. The video served to release ita plot of his candidate's fall. To his real campaign leader Alberto Fernández, he now knows that at one point he could ask him: "And what do you do if I don't go? "
These words, spoken in intimacy, now sense, far more than the entornistic interpretations. The same fragility manifested two other peronists among the heaviest, and that this week will act The main picture of the opposition: Juan Schiaretti and Roberto Lavagna. Cordovan is probably the man with more political power in Peronism. It controls the second largest province and no one enjoys it to repeat the mandate. He told Miguel Pichetto last week He doesn't have the health to be a presidential candidate. But before he got a president and was not so ill.
Lavagna is certainly the most prestigious in the Peronist Gallery and gives himself, not reluctantly, to act in every way as a presidential candidate. This Thursday he speaks to a dinner in the Mediterranean Foundation, and then he meets Schiaretti. If not so much campaigned pepper cake surrounded would be the image of a strong formula of peronism. but Lavagna also intervenes with violent compliance: It reinforces the candidacy that there is consensus in sectors of peronism and other parties – socialists, margaritos, ricardistas – and that there is a step in a consensus formula, but of course he is.
The conditions for Lavagna disarm the alternative peronists
The ruling party thrives thanks to the poker games that reveal pessimism: Cristina agrees that her entornists are asking their willingness to be a candidate, Schiaretti takes refuge in the monasteries of Cordoba and Lavagna, asks Peronism an elastic costing him blood. This puts on the same screen, expressing distrust in the future. It also counteracts wills. Sergio Massa was the one who brought him back to Lavagna on stage in 2012, following the presidential adventure in 2007.
Today, even though he is a skilled cornice walker, he can't guess what lies behind Lavagna's smile, from whose mouth there is no confirmation of a candidacy. A master Lavagna, because he was crazy about him at Massa, is a good thing. To Urtubey, this spirit of Lavagna also discourages the game. He joined the election in Salta with the president who imagines that he will be a candidate for president in a PASO for peronism. The Association of Date is functional for his intention to secure the governance of a negotiated successor to whom he would contribute his own votes as a presidential candidate. For him, a formula agreed with Lavagna takes him out of the game.
This difficult distress on other people's projects forces the table four (Schiaretti, Massa, Urtubey, Pichetto) to appear again as sabotage owners. Schiaretti will tell Lavagna that there will be a step to give everyone a chance and that they will only speak again if he takes the Peronist Alternative mark seriously. Roberto's answer to this slogan will define everyone's destiny. It may be the news of the week for peronism and promote the four. A detail: i focus groups of the Massismo Campaign Command, what the general public remembers that the seal is the image of Cuatro in Guillermo Seita, head of the Thursday meeting in Córdoba. These studies mark the behavior of the characters. Next Saturday, for example, Massa will be in Río Gallegos for an act of invasive surgical aroma, assuming the new bishop of that diocese. This is Jorge García Cuerva, who did homework in the village of La Cava de San Isidro and in the punishment he is a priest attached to the San Isidro group – of emeritus Jorge Casaretto – as Pope Bergoglio sent to Lomas de Zamora (where he was an auxiliary bishop) and now to Río Gallegos.
Massa is a friend of the new bishop, and the trip will give him a pious picture, but also be near Alicia Kirchner, who will attend the ceremony.
The top command of Change bears the house of Macri
In the oficialismo, there is already a political campaign campaign that differs over the changing table and underneath the tunnels that communicate to the tribes that coexist under the Balotaja Party's umbrella. This command meets in Olivos in offices in the presidential area, but without the presence of Macri. They integrate it Marcos Peña, Elisa Carrió, Horacio Rodríguez Larreta, Maria Eugenia Vidal, Mario Quintana and Maxi Ferraro, president of the coalition. There is currently no representative of the Radical Civic Union, although Carrio has the personal representation of Gerardo Morales, today the radical closest to Macri.
Jujeño is of the creative radicals race, and is currently the subject of study of peronism in its role of inventor of "the great morales ". In 2015, he was a candidate for governor of Jujuy, who hung on the formulas Macri and Massa. The Mayor of Peronism in Buenos Aires is studying a similar format: chooses a single candidate for governor, who is later suspended from several candidates for the Presidency of PJ. This role in the decision table makes Carrio careful with the radicals. For example, he has not said anything about Lousteau's candidacy for the Senator in the bench that Federico Pinedo occupies today, chief of the ruling party. For those who see double or inform themselves with Olivo's wrong guard, this command was collected in the presidential residence on Friday 7 March without the president's presence. The next day, Carrió went to Los Abrojos, where he spoke with Macri to overcome the mismatch between Mario Negri and Ramón Mestre in Cordoba.
At Friday's meeting, the Federal Government's Negri position was screwed up, and Mario and Carrio's help cards were designed for campaign events in the interior. The coalition leader received Larreta, Quintana and Fabián Rodríguez Simón Thursday in her house in the Lord's Chapel and warned them that until after Easter they will not be available to enter. Carrió usually respects Lent's liturgy and participates in Ash rituals Wednesday to Easter Sunday. In the armed struggle, his partners of Cambiemos, who have a brown piety who are not remedied by three paternoster, accepted the conditions that Carrio imposes with the firmness of Juanjo Aranguren on the tariff line. You like it or you leave. I keep telling the visitors to the chapel sanctuary.
It seemed impossible: Bolsonaro and Piñera run to Macri on the right
Fans to draw conclusions about others' behavior based on context will have free grass this week. Mauricio Macri will be with Jair Bolsonaro and Sebastián Piñera twice in 48 hours. The president must be kept away from the threads but they do not take much care of the global thread.
Opponents want to show Bolsonaro as the mentor of the official security policy when Patricia Bullrich has said that tough positions were adopted by her portfolio much earlier, something she shares with opposition cacques like Sergio Massa, who since 2013 has been asking for light trigger muscle. He gave him votes in 2013, but it wasn't enough for him to continue in the race. The government wants to make this identification in the campaign, to satisfy the demands for greater security, and likewise the opposition – as it does with initiatives such as the eradication of domination – stands on the farm for those who defend the bad. Bolsonaro and Piñera come to Buenos Aires to the South-South Summit of the United Nations.
The Chilean will take the opportunity to launch, together with Macri and colleagues in the Uruguay and Paraguay, the World Cup in 2030, distributed among the four countries. But on Friday, the three will be seen in Chile, where Piñera has convened a lunch to show the benefits of his project to replace Unasur with another seal, Prosur. Unasur was an invention of regional outsourcing due to caletre de lula and eduardo duhalde.
It was OAS without the US and Canada. Nothing is left because these utopias were muddied and the pendulum went to the other side. He has a cave employee of Ernesto Samper (already drawn as secretary) for a project that no one knows; a building in Ecuador, which the government of Lenin Moreno claimed to return him to put a university and monument to Nestor who wants to know who will hold it.
To put it quickly, Piñera wanted another regional construction of center-right countries to give a global fate to its administration, which was highly rooted in Chile. Also to get the jealousy of the protagonist of the Lima group won in Venezuela's crisis. At lunch on Friday in Santiago, where other presidents go as the Colombian duque, they try to convince them to bring together a new group of seal and band. Bolsonaro will say no – he won't go through Lula's steps or in this. Macri will join Fulvio Pompeo to say he agrees to put together a WhatsApp group to act as a hearing mechanism between presidents in the event of a crisis.
But what he does not want another circus that costs money to be armed, as it happens in Moribund Unasur. The signature of the Macri's mood is due to Jorge Faurie not wanting to travel and will be represented on a previous dinner on Thursday by the US Secretary of State Leonardo Sahores.
The Chancellor stays in Buenos Aires to preside over the South-South Assembly, resulting in more revenue. A little snub to Piñera, who is a friend but there.